Tuesday, November 10

LRoc: a famous Liberian living abroad

Forced to stay inside with a contagious flu, I was watching CNN this morning when an interview with a Liberian artist from Atlanta, Georgia, was announced. Music producer LRoc - since it was him - is the son of a former Minister of Finance executed on the beach of Monrovia on that fatal day in April 1980. Then 16 years old, he fled with his American mother to the USA where he has been living for the past 29 years, building a career as a successful songwriter and music producer. In 2005 LRoc - aka James Elbert Phillips - was the co-winner of a Grammy Award for Album of the Year.


Though my interest in Liberia and Liberians has no limits, my knowledge of Southern hip-hop, crunch music and the R&B scene is virtually non-existent. After consulting Wikipedia and Google I knew more.

As a child during the 1970's, James Elbert Phillips studied classical piano although he was not an enthousiast student - it was his parents' choice. He was more interested in Steve Wonder, Prince and Parliament Funkadelic. He taught himself to play the bass guitar. Initially listening to funk bands such as Cameo, the Time, and the Brothers Johnson, later his musical tastes broadened including Count Basie, Thad Jones, Chaka Khan, Chick Corea and Herbie Hancock.

LRoc - aka James Elbert Phillips - is now a successful songwriter and music producer, working with Jermaine Dupri's So So Def Recordings. He has co-written and co-produced many singles like Janet Jackson's "Call on Me" and "So Excited", Mariah Carey's "Get Your Number", Murphy Lee's "Wat Dat Hook Gonna Be", ", LL Cool J's "Control Myself," Nelly's "Grillz" and Usher's "Yeah'" which won him the Grammy Award in 2005.

One of the most interesting articles and interviews I read about him was published by Starpoynt Magazine. A more technical article - but difficult to read for a non-initiated layman (sorry ladies!) like me - can be found here. For an easier to read 2008 interview with the man behind Jermaine Dupri click here. Also in 2008 the Sunday Paper published an interview with him.

Why do I focus attention on him?

There are three reasons. One is that it shows that there is no need to associate Liberia with only bad news. The publicity handicap, however, is that "Good news is no news."

The second reason is that it once again shows that creative and precious Liberian human resources contribute more to developments abroad than at home. LRoc is of course far from the only one, there are tens of thousands of his compatriots residing in the USA. Of course I respect the right of individuals to choose their domicile where they want, but their country needs them.

I also understand individual Liberians to decide to live and earn a decent living in e.g. the USA, where they enjoy the rule of law and other basic human rights which in Liberia can easily be jeopardized - as recent history has shown. To expect them to give up a guaranteed peaceful existence in the USA for an uncertain future in Africa's Oldest Republic, is not realistic. But - and that is my third reason - this conclusion increases the urgency to rebuild Liberia, to establish the rule of law, and to create a society with sufficient jobs and equal opportunities for all. If that is not guaranteed, they sure won't return to Liberia.

It is a painful but realistic conclusion.

Wednesday, October 21

Kimmie Weeks and The New Liberia

Over the weekend I stumbled upon Kimmie Weeks, labelled Liberia's young hero by CNN. Honestly speaking, I had never heard of him - thought undoubtedly that says more about me than about him. He is famous, not only in Liberia, and in other African countries, but also the world over.

I am not going to repeat here his credentials; internet offers so many possibilities to trace his achievements. But I must say, when I saw the movie about him on CNN last week, I was greatly impressed. When I saw him, I immediately recognized his features.

When I taught at the University of Liberia – in the early seventies - among my students was one Weeks, a bright young man, very outspoken, very sympathetic. He was part of the progressive forces opposing the Tolbert Administration and True Whig Party hegemony. At one time he also was editor of the Revelation, one of those anarchistic hand-outs closely associated with the famous journalist Albert Porte. Anarchistic in the sense that they did not obey to the rules of the class society where their cradle once stood. Sincerely progressive, with the ideals and ambitions of real reformers (I do not say: revolutionaries), and gifted with a more than average intelligence, they represented the hope every society needs to advance ‘to higher heights’, to paraphrase former president William Tolbert.

I watched the CNN movie on Kimmie Weeks and hardly could believe my eyes. What a personality! What an incredible story! Born in 1981, he was a child during the civil war. During the early years of the war, his mother and Kimmie fled, landed in a refugee camp where malnutrition, infections and diseases decimated the population. When sick, the young Kimmie was given up and tossed on a pile of dead bodies. Thanks to his mother (who is she???) who refused to accept Kimmie’s apparent fate, he was rescued. According to his official web site, he then pledged a solemn oath: to fight for a better future for Liberia’s youth, later extended to other African countries.

In 1998, former Liberian President Charles Taylor made several attempts to assassinate him after Kimmie investigated his government’s involvement in the training of children as soldiers, subsequently releasing a groundbreaking report. Eventually he was forced into exile.

I will not repeat here what has been published elsewhere. But my interest was aroused. Who is Kimmie – apart from his own personality? I decided to dig into my memory and to consult some friends.

The following story emerged. Interesting - as will be clear from what follows.

Kimmie’s father was one of the famous Weeks brothers. Rocheforte L. Weeks was his father, born on August 15, 1923 in Crozierville, one of Liberia’s famous historic settler towns. By the way, the notorious oppositional Albert Porte, at one time editor of the already mentioned Revelation, also originated from Crozierville.

Rocheforte Weeks was the first Liberian president of the University of Liberia. After its creation in 1951, two Americans were at the helm of the nation’s highest institution of academic learning. For various reasons, President Tubman decided in 1959 to install a Liberian as head of the institution. The flamboyant Rocheforte Weeks served as President of the University of Liberia from 1959 till 1972. President William Tolbert appointed him as Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1972, replacing Rudolph Grimes (who had demonstrated a lack of loyalty as perceived by Tolbert in the preceding year, after the death of President Tubman).

The Weeks family is or was one of the largest Americo-Liberian families. During the Tubman Administration (1944-1971) the three Weeks brothers were famous: the charismatic Rocheforte Weeks, his elder brother James Milton Weeks, who was at one time Minister of Finance, and brother Anthony, former Director of the Budget under Tubman.

The three Weeks brothers were accompanied by three Sherman brothers who in the same period were among the most powerful of the Americo-Liberian families. Charles Dunbar Sherman undoubtedly was the most powerful of them. Politician, academician, businessman, key person in religious and other organizations, he also served as Secretary of the Treasury in the late 1950s and early 1960s when Liberia’s ‘Growth without Development’ model was at its zenith – thanks to the abundant foreign investments in the country’s natural resources.

And then we also had the three Tolbert brothers. William Tolbert, who had patiently served under Tubman as his Vice-President for nearly twenty years, rose to the highest public position. Brother Frank served for many years as the President Pro-Tempore of the Senate whereas brother Stephen, rather a businessman than a politician, was nominated Minister of Finance by his brother-President. The uncrupulous and tough Stephen Tolbert also was the owner of one of the largest and most successful commercial enterprises in the country’s history, the Mesurado Group of Companies.

All these reflections emerged while watching Kimmie Weeks. His eloquent leadership, his gift of communication, no doubt he is the son of his father. A born orator, as this other great man, Barrack Obama. I was not surprised to read Kimmie’s political ambitions, and his ultimate goal: the country’s leadership.

In my opinion, Kimmie Weeks has the characteristics and potential of 'the new Liberian'. After watching the various movies available, on You Tube and elsewhere, and judging from his CV and background, I strongly have the impression that he has the potential to play a crucial role in the future of his country where – to paraphrase Martin Luther King – he and his children will not be judged on their background, but by the content of their character.

Liberia desperately needs people like Kimmie Weeks who have the potential to bridge the Past and the Present - as Liberia's present leader Ellen Johnson Sirleaf aims to realize. They, together with other strong Liberians, must bridge the divide between the various segments of the Liberian population, without re-establishing the old order.

Whereas Ellen represents the older generation, Kimmie is an exponent of the new generation of Liberians. They both represent The New Liberia where labels such as 'Americo-Liberian' and 'Congo-people' have become anachronisms. One nation, one people, one destiny. 'By God's command'.

Tuesday, October 6

Twenty Years Charles Taylor: 1989 – 2009

Today I was reading the daily and weekly summaries of the Trial of Charles Taylor site, that excellent initiative and project of the Open Society Justice Initiative. Again I was fascinated by what is happening a few miles from where I live and work. In the Special Court for Sierra Leone, housed at the International Criminal Court in a suburb of The Hague, former President Charles Taylor is defending himself against eleven charges. If convicted he could spend the rest of his life in an English prison – since the UK government has agreed to accept him in case the SCSL judges would find him guilty.

Taylor is denying all charges – which shouldn’t surprise. Last week he said that he did not order Sierra Leonean rebel forces to attack Freetown in 1999. In fact, he is denying everything, his contacts with RUF leader Foday Sankoh after May 1992, the murdering of Samuel Bockarie and Daniel Tamba, and giving orders for the execution of Superman, a Liberian commander of the RUF, Sierra Leone’s rebel group, responsible for so many atrocities and notorious for its mutilation of children and adults by hacking off arms (‘short sleeves’ or ‘long sleeves’). One of the prosecution witnesses, Joseph Marzah, a former member of Taylor’s invasion force, in 1989, and fighting force, the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) last year testified that Taylor had feasted on Superman’s heart. Charles Taylor called prosecution allegations that he was involved in ritual sacrifice and cannibalism ‘racist’.

Taylor has no choice but to deny everything. He denied that he ordered the NPFL and RUF rebels to subject civilians to sexual violence and forced labor, that he used child soldiers who were drugged. He also denied giving orders to kill and eat the members of the Krahn tribe, or to kill UN and West African peacekeepers. He further denied supplying arms and ammunition to rebel forces in Sierra Leone in return for diamonds mined by the rebels in Sierra Leone, or allowing the RUF to have any radio stations in Liberia.

Taylor calls everything ‘a blatant lie’, dismisses witness’s evidence as ‘concoction’, and is in the ICC / SLSC court room as self-assured, flamboyant and charming as ever.

I had to think of two BBC articles I read a couple of months ago. In a series of weekly viewpoints from African journalists, former BBC editor and Ghanaian minister Elizabeth Ohene wrote about her encounters with Charles Taylor. Read her account here. It makes fascinating reading. It tells about the multiple faces and roles of Charles Taylor: a rebel and soldier, his presidency of Africa’s first Republic, and now defending himself in a high-profile criminal case, being the first former African President to stand trial.













In another article BBC's Mark Doyle looked back at Charles Taylor's life.

Whatever one may think of Charles Taylor being guilty or not – and personally I have few if any doubts - Charles Taylor, from his invasion in Nimba County in December 1989 to his trial in The Hague in 2009, has already entered Liberia’s history as one of the most fascinating personalities of Africa’s oldest republic.

Wednesday, September 23

Liberia and the Decolonization of the Mind

This afternoon I went to the VU University Amsterdam to attend the inaugural speech of one of the recently appointed Desmond Tutu Professors of VU University Amsterdam. Four Professors were installed and presented during the launch of the Desmond Tutu Programme on December 4 last year, with Archbishop Desmond Tutu himself addressing the audience. Today, Desmond Tutu Professor Stephen Ellis delivered his inaugural speech entitled ‘South Africa and the Decolonization of the Mind’. The Desmond Tutu Programma’s themes are Youth, Sports and Reconciliation and each of the four Chair Holders deals in his address with these themes from the perspectives of their respectives disciplines and expertise in which processes of reconciliation in South Africa are contextualized.

Liberian readers and other followers of Liberian affairs know Dr. Stephen Ellis from his well-known book ‘The Mask of Anarchy. The Destruction of Liberia and the Religious Dimension of an African Civil War’ (New York University Press, New York) but apart from Liberia, he also is an expert on Nigeria, Madagascar and South Africa.

The main message of Prof. Ellis address was: contemporary history of African countries, South Africa in particular, is very much concentrating on the phasing out of colonial dominance. For most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa this occurred in the 1960s, for some in the 1970s - notably the Lusophone countries – for South Africa it was the end of apartheid and the first multiparty, democratic elections, which brought the ANC government to power in 1994. The freeing of African peoples from colonial dominance, albeit sometimes hindered by neo-colonial manoeuvring, went hand-in-hand with the introduction of a Western concept of the nation-state. Any analysis of subsequent events in the new-born states was from this perspective.

Ellis argues that it is increasingly irrelevant to consider the colonial period as pivotal for African history.

His point of view is a challenge.

I could not help but think of Africa’s oldest Republic. Liberia had its colonial period. Would it be wrong to say that the end of this colonial period started with the 1980 military coup of Samuel Doe and his PRC? However, we tend to think that the colonial rule which master-sergeant Doe ended, was replaced by another semi-colonial period dominated by a particular segment of the population, Doe’s tribe, the Krahn from South-eastern Liberia. This was followed by a struggle for power in which many tribal and other personalities participated.

In fact, we are falling in the trap which Prof. Ellis just pointed out. We are judging and analysing the contemporary history of the people now inhabiting the region known as Liberia, from a colonial or neo-colonial angle. Maybe we should stop doing this, and stop explaining the problems of Liberia from this perspective. Instead, we should focus on the history of relationships between the Gola, Kpelle, Loma, Kissi, Mende, Vai, Mandingo, Mano, Gio, Bassa, Grebo, Kru, Krahn, to name just a few of them, of course not leaving out the 19th c. settlers, the freed slaves from intercepted slave vessels, so-called Congo-people, and their descendents. But the Americo-Liberians, as they called themselves, and these Congo people, are just an incident in the history of the peoples of this part of West Africa, I thought today, listening to Prof. Stephen Ellis lecture. ‘Who the h*** was A.B. Tolbert?’, future generations may ask. Both Liberians and outsiders should re-focus their view on Liberia’s contemporary history. Maybe, we all should decolonize our minds.

With many thanks to Prof. Stephen Ellis and the VU University Amsterdam .

Monday, July 27

President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf's Independence Day speech

In case you have not yet read the July 26 speech of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, which she presented during yesterday's Independence Day celebrations in Bong County, you can read the full text here. The original text is also available at the Executive Mansion site.

The reason why I have choosen to reproduce here the entire text is (1) in light of the recent turmoil about the TRC report (also see my July 9 posting, 'Controversial TRC report rocks Liberia'). In her Independence Day speech President Sirleaf for the first time commented on the TRC report. It is important to note that she did this in a prudent and responsible way; (2) In her speech she also presented the achievements of her administration (which is half-way now). Impressive as it may seem, in reality it is very modest - which though is not her fault.

The National Budget for the new Fiscal Year which was recently presented amounts to not more than US $ 1 million a day (some US $ 360 million in total, if I remember well). Furthermore, the reported amount of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) of some US $ 8 billion is important as a sign of confidence that foreign investors like Firestone and ArcelorMittal have in the country's future political stability. Yet, ArcelorMittal for instance, recently decided to freeze its investments in the West African country of Senegal and any time the same can be expected for the company's activities in Liberia (the rehabilitation of the Nimba ore mining operations), given the present global economic and financial crises and the gloomy outlook for the iron ore mining sector. Moreover, the Central Bank's national reserves are not more than US $ 50 million. In all, it is not a rosy picture for the development of the modern Liberian economy.

Nevertheless, it is interesting to get to know the full text of her speech, which reads as follows:

Special Message by
Her Excellency Mrs. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf
President of the Republic of Liberia
On the Occasion of the
162nd Independence Anniversary of the Republic of Liberia
Gbarnga, Bong County,
27th July 2009

Mr. Vice President & Mrs. Boakai;

Mr. Speaker and Honorable Members of the House of Representatives;

Mr. President ProTempore and Members of the Senate, Mr. Chief Justice, Associate Justices and Members of the Judiciary;

Mr. National Orator;

President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo; Dr. Mohammed Ibn Chambas;

Our Special Guests;

Former NTGL Chairman Gyude Bryant;

Ministers, Officials of Government;

Chiefs, Traditional Leaders;

Former President and Mrs. Blah & Former Speaker & Government Officials;

Doyen, Excellencies, Members of the Diplomatic Corps;

The SRSG, United Nations Family;

Bishops, Prelates, Members of the Clergy;

Development Partners;

Superintendent, Local Government Officials;

Political Leaders, Business Leaders, NGO Leaders, Media, Marketers, Students;

The Kind People of Bong County:

KWAA KER WON TONO!

When on January 16, 2006 I spoke to the nation, I recognized that the vote for me was a vote for change. More than that, it was a vote for peace, security and stability, a vote for individual and national prosperity, a vote for healing and leadership. I expressed humility in the enormity of the challenges that lay ahead – to heal our nation’s wounds, redefine and strengthen its purpose, make democracy a living and effective experiment, promote economic growth, create jobs, revitalize our health and education facilities and services, and quicken the pace of social progress and individual prosperity in our country.

Although we still have a long way to go, we have come a long way in meeting these challenges. We have energized the programs that have trained 2000 new soldiers and renovated their facilities at the Schiefflin and Gbarnga military barracks. Our growth rate has averaged over 6 percent in the past three years. Our development agenda is formulated and in the process of implementation. We are close to the end of the program that will bring us relief from the US$4.9 billion external debt which we inherited. Our Central Bank international reserves have gone from US$5 million to US$50 million. We have removed UN sanctions on our diamonds and forestry, joined the Kimberley process, passed a new forestry law and joined the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative that covers both of these resources. And we anxiously await the recently enacted Land Reform Commission law to begin the process of much needed reform that will address property rights and land disputes which has the potential to further divide our people.

We have undertaken the first national census in twenty years. Enrollment in our primary schools has increased over 40 percent, the majority of whom are girls. We have renovated two of the three rural teacher training institutes and graduated the first 456 students in 20 years. The University of Liberia will move next year to its US$20 million renovated Fendall campus. The Tubman Technical College renamed Tubman University will reopen its doors in September to be followed by the Technical College in Sinje. Plans for other County colleges are well advanced in planning.

We have restored lights and water missing for over fourteen years, to the Capital and a few other cities. We have started the reconstruction of primary and neighborhood roads and the streets of our Capital city. We have attracted private investment of over US$ 8 billion in our mineral, agriculture, forestry and oil exploration potential. We have constructed or renovated more than 215 schools, 30 hospitals and clinics, several county administration buildings, court houses and security facilities throughout the country. The Telewoyan Hospital in Voinjama is now renovated and in full operation while a US$10 million renovation of the Tappita Hospital is underway. The majority of our schools throughout the country will have books with a national orientation when they open in September. For the first time in two decades, six year olds will start school knowing only an environment of peace.

We have made significant progress in settling arrears to former security forces, civil servants, foreign missions, former Legislators, regional and international organizations. We have qualified for the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and obtained Threshold status under the Millennium challenge Corporation. We have strengthened the General Auditing Commission and established the Liberian Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC). We have mobilized non-official flows from foundations, non-official organizations and individuals to the tune of US$15 million to support our capacity building, education and market development program. We have increased revenues from US$80 million to more than US$347 million, pensions from LD$50 to LD$1000, civil servants salaries from US$15 to US$80 with a floor of US$100 for security, teachers and health care workers.

The JFK Hospital is undertaking a program of major physical renovation and capacity building and is on an irreversible path to recovery. We have started judicial action for recovery of illegally sold government physical assets in five of our diplomatic missions. We have restored our nation’s good relationship and reputation throughout the world. In recognition of this, VIPs from 17 countries visited us and I was privileged to make 14 official visits and be honored by 4 nations and 24 institutions of higher learning. Moreover, we have restored in all citizens, particularly the young, hope in the future.

Fellow citizens, a nation rises to its potential when its people are prepared to seize the opportunity, to capture the moment, to accentuate the positive. A nation rises to its potential when its people are proud of their achievements, are prepared to extol their values, are ready to rise above self interest in demonstration of nationalism and patriotism. Such was the character of Martin Luther King when, despite the discrimination and inhumanities to which his people were subjected, saw not the nightmare of things that were but the dream of things that could be. Such was the character of Nelson Mandela when he said “the impossible remains the impossible until it is done”. Such was the character of Barack Obama who when no one believed that an African American could become President of the United States said, “Yes, we can!”

Fellow Citizens, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission spent three years interviewing tens of thousands of Liberians in country and amongst the Diaspora. We commend them and each and every person who participated in this process. Where the report lives up to its mission and mandate, the Liberian people have my steadfast commitment to work with all branches of government, the Independent Human Rights Commission, the religious community, civil society and the media to actualize its recommendations. This is as much as I can say to you as I am named in the report for sanction and I have been advised that it would be legally imprudent for me to give a more extensive comment on the report. Also, my comments could be misinterpreted as an attempt to influence what ever action the National Legislature might take on the report, and I do not intend to do so. I believe in the wisdom of the Liberian people and am convinced that they will make a proper judgment on the TRC’s Final Report.

Fellow citizens, as many of you know, I have dedicated my life to navigating a future for Liberia free from war and fear and grounded in individual freedom and opportunity. Sometimes, the circumstances were opaque, the distinctions between evil and good were not so clear—this is the nature of conflict and war. Like thousands of other Liberians at home and abroad who did, I have always admitted my early support for Charles Taylor to challenge the brutality of a dictatorship. It was equally clear that when the true nature of Mr. Taylor’s intentions became known, there was no more impassioned critic or strong opponent to him in a democratic process. I have talked about this openly over the past twelve years and expressed remorse to the Liberian people for my misjudgment. In turn, the Liberian people rendered their judgment. In 2005, I was elected President of the Republic of Liberia. My mandate was to return hope to the country and to make the children smile again.

During the past three years, my Administration has remained true to the faith that the Liberian people bestowed to me in that election. We have made gains toward restoring our security and our prosperity – and more importantly restoring our belief in ourselves, our potential, and our love of God and country. I know that there is much work to be done to bring the benefits of this work to all Liberians and my Administration will not rest until the gains of peace are felt by all. I strongly believe that Liberians, through their vote, have an inherent right to determine the direction of the nation, just as I believe that they each, in their own way, has the wisdom to know truth and the desire to seek reconciliation.

I will always stand as a servant of the Liberian people and will always respect their wisdom.

KWAA KER WON TONO!

To be frank, I have no idea what 'Kwaa Ker Won Tono' means. 'Our struggle continues'?? Or, 'Hail Liberia hail'?? Or 'Let Justice prevail'??

I would greatly appreciate readers' help.

Thursday, July 9

Controversial TRC report rocks Liberia

One week after the publication of its impressive final report, the Truth and Reconciliation Committee (TRC) is at the center of a political storm which only seems to intensify. Its findings and recommendations have surprised many – both inside and outside Liberia.
Reactions included 'Mockery to Justice', 'TRC Retracts Controversial report', 'An Incomplete Report', 'Liberian Opinion divided on Truth and Reconciliation findings', 'Liberians React to Truth Commission Report', 'War Crimes Group Wants Ellen To Resign', 'Civil War Panel Seeks to Ban President from Politics', among many other news reports.

Notably the suggested public sanction affecting President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, including her name in a list of over 50 ‘political leaders and financiers of different warring factions’ who should be barred from holding public offices for a period of thirty (30) years, shocked many people. They also could not understand why some well-known perpetrators were left out for prosecution or recommended to be pardoned – such as Joshua Milton Blayir (‘General Butt-Naked’) who admitted to ritual killings and cannibalism, and being responsible for 20,000 victims. Same for Thomas Boye Bioaju Boye, former Chief of Staff of MODEL, one of the warring factions, and 34 other perpetrators of various crimes during the civil war (see pp 268/269 of the report).

In February of this year President Sirleaf had testified before the Truth and Reconciliation Committee, admitting giving Charles Taylor a financial support of USD 10,000 when he was preparing to oust sitting President Samuel Doe, in the late 1980s, but she denied any military role. Her testimony was not revealing anything which had not been publicly known before. During her presidential campaign she had said the same. Before the TRC she apologized for ‘her foolishness’ and said she withdrew her support when realizing Taylor’s ruthlessness, greed and ambitions. Numerous news agencies and newspapers published her testimony and apologies, e.g. the BBC, AllAfrica, Radio Netherlands, the Washington Post. However, the TRC justified inclusion of President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf’s name in the list of persons recommended for public sanctions ‘because she had not shown remorse’ for her acts.

The foregoing leads me – for the moment - to two observations. First, the TRC Commission has done an impressive work and has produced a very interesting report, outlining the root causes of the civil war, naming and shaming many of those responsible for the atrocities committed during the 14-year civil war. Its historical analysis clearly shows how divided the Liberian society is, not only the A.L.- Congo /tribal divide but also the competition between the approximately 16 different tribes in the country. In accordance with this reality, one gets the impression that the outcomes of some of the deliberations of the commission result from negotiations. Reportedly, one of the committee members, Pearl Brown Bull ('Historical review'), refused to sign off on the final report.
The report’s recommendations will surely feed the debate in and outside Liberia for the coming months, if not years. Besides, it may be a (minor) legal technicality but does the TRC mandate include the recommendation for public sanctions? At first sight I have not found any reference to it in Chapter 3 ('Mandate', notably p.28).

Secondly, Liberia may be again heading for political trouble and instability. Warlords like Prince Johnson – known for his capture, torture and killing of President Samuel Doe and now an elected Senator (!) – have been threatening to resist arrest. Others will try to manipulate more discreet. It is very unlikely that former warlords like e.g. the Mandingo warlord Alhadji Kromah (leader of ULIMO-K), now a Professor at the University of Liberia, will accept that they have to face justice. Protracted discussions will take place in the National Legislature, the only institution in the country which has the right to decide whether or not the TRC recommendations will be enacted into law. Some former warlords occupy seats like e.g. Nimba County Senators Prince Johnson and Adolphus Dolo, formerly known as ‘General Peanut Butter’, loyal to Charles Taylor, but also Blamo Nelson (Senator for Grand Kru Country and former Director of Cabinet under Charles Taylor) and Jewel Taylor-Howard (Senator for Bong County and former wife of Charles Taylor) to name but a few. It is interesting to note that in parliament the opposition has a majority and may force President Sirleaf to resign, leaving the floor to Vice President Joseph Boakai who hails from Foya District, Lofa County.

Liberia’s future again looks dim. Hundreds of thousands of refugees and so-called IDPs (‘Internally Displaced Persons’) have returned to their country or village in recent years: productive workers, housewives, mothers, students, children, old people wanting to spend their last years in ‘This land of liberty’. Foreign investors (ArcelorMittal, Firestone, and the Malaysian logging firm Sime Darby) and local businessmen are increasingly showing interest in the economic potential of Africa’s oldest republic, a country well endowed with natural resources. Last year Liberia had a record economic growth figure of over 10 per cent. Still, a lot needs to be done, and a growing number of the 15,000 or more Liberians in the USA – most of them well educated men and women - is considering to return home. One of them once told me: ‘We need foreign investors to develop the country and the UN to keep the peace.’

I am afraid that he is going to be right for the next couple of years.

Sunday, June 21

‘Let Justice Be Done To All’

The booming economy of the 1950s and 1960s enabled the construction in Monrovia of (then) prominent buildings such as the Capitol (1958), the Executive Mansion (1964), the City Hall and the Temple of Justice. The inscription ‘Let Justice be Done To All Men’ on the Temple of Justice on Capitol Hill was certainly inspired by noble thoughts. However, it was disputed as from the beginning, and for three reasons: 1) because of the lack of rule of law, 2) because of the existence of unjust laws and 3) because of the male chauvinistic and sexist formulation of this basic human right. Damaged during the civil war, the Temple of Justice was renovated in 2008 and to the joy of many the old description had been changed into: ‘Let Justice Be Done To All’. Still recently, the altered motto evoked many reactions.


















But ‘justice’ is more than changing mottos. Not long ago, Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Committee (TRC) released its final report on the civil conflict, 1979 – 2003. Last week it held a National Conference on Reconciliation in the Unity Conference Center in Virginia, Monrovia.

The conference once more demonstrated how divided the Liberian society still is, how fragile peace, how many challenges of reconstruction and national reconciliation exist and, last but not least, how difficult it is to ‘render justice to all’.

A group of war victims demanded reparations for injuries inflicted on them, the Chairman of the TRC called for unity, but the central issue was the setting up of a special court to try those accused of war crimes and human rights abuses during the conflict. Human rights activists spoke out in favor of the creation of a special war crimes tribunal – as has happened in neighboring Sierra Leone – but in the end conference delegates failed to sign a resolution calling for the prosecution of warlords.

Early June already, one of the most notorious warlords - now Senator for Nimba County - Prince Johnson, revealed the existence of a list of names of 110 former fighters, including Charles Taylor’s warlord Roland Duo as well as his name (Prince Johnson). He again warned that he would resist any attempt to prosecute him: ‘I am saying again that any attempt to arrest me, there will be trouble.’

Other former warlords called for unity and reconciliation and begged for clemency: Alhaji Kromah, former ULIMO leader, now Professor of Mass Communication at the University of Liberia, Roland Duo, NPFL commander, and ex-rebel general Moi Bleayu Moi, of the defunct MODEL, a rag-tag army from the east. Former warlord Boi is now a reverend, like another warlord-turned-pastor, Joshua Milton Blahyi (‘General Butt Naked’ who admitted to taking part in human sacrifices as part of traditional ceremonies intended to ensure victory over ennemies).

‘Let Justice Be Done To All’ – changing the Temple of Justice's motto is easier than enforcing the rule of law.